Reflections on Four Decades in Central BankingJack GuynnPresident and Chief Executive OfficerFederal Reserve Bank of AtlantaKiwanis Club of AtlantaLoudermilk CenterAtlanta, Ga.August 22, 2006Thank you for the nice introduction. But let me say that it feels strange to hear you describe my upcoming retirement. I guess I’m still coping with the reality that my 42-year tenure at the Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta is about to end.When I graduated from Virginia Tech back in the mid 1960s, I surprised my family and friends by taking a job with the Atlanta Fed. Before I left, some of my classmates responded with a gag gift: a green eyeshade, like one of those visors tellers used to wear in old movies like “It’s a Wonderful Life.”Many of my college friends were going into more glamorous fields such as aerospace or computer design. And in their minds, I was condemned to life in a stodgy, backwater industry. In that era it was thought you would choose one place to work and stay for your entire career.But, as it turned out, the financial services industry and the U.S. economy went through a revolution. Technology, competition, and a growing demand for information were catalysts for dramatic change. Certainly, this transformation made my career more interesting, and I expect even more change ahead.So, you might ask, “What’s the big deal?” Well, I believe that banking’s shift from a low-tech field without competition into a dynamic industry had a profound impact on our personal and business lives and is a major part of our nation’s economic success. In describing these changes today, I’d also like to point to some potential concerns for the next generation of policymakers.Changing how money is usedLet me begin by talking briefly about what bankers call their “back office operations”—the payment systems that most people take for granted. In the 1960s, if you peeked inside the Fed or most commercial banks, you would have seen endless bundles of checks and cash being counted and sorted by hand. As you can imagine, the process was inefficient.Often, it took three to five days or longer for a check to clear. During the high interest rate 1970s, folks would use this lag to their advantage through a practice we called “remote disbursement.”For instance, oil companies were notorious for writing big checks to pay for Gulf of Mexico oilfield leases, and they used checks drawn on small banks in remote places such as North Dakota. With interest rates at 15 percent, each day’s delay in payment for a $50 million check was worth about $20,000. So receivers of these large checks sometimes would buy a plane ticket for a courier to physically take the piece of paper across the country to speed collection.As more powerful technology became available we got busy and worked to improve the process. Not long after I started at the Fed, we realized that one computer-driven check sorter could do the work of 40 or 50 manual processors. Automated check processing became a classic application for emerging computer technology. Also, instead of relying solely on trucks, the Fed began to charter airplanes to carry checks long distances overnight.Computers that made check processing more efficient also enabled new electronic payment systems such as the automated clearinghouse, which facilitates transactions like direct deposit of payroll checks. During that period, credit cards also became more popular. With new methods of payment, the whiz kids of the banking industry began to think that a checkless—even a cashless—society was imminent.But it was not to be—at least not then. By speeding the collection of paper checks, the Fed may have delayed conversion to electronics. Also, regulations allowed banks to demand presentment of a paper check for payment, which also discouraged change. So many banks and their customers did not enthusiastically embrace new technology. In 2000 Americans were still writing 42 billion checks. And with the proliferation of automated teller machines, banks continued to circulate more—not less—cash.Finally, a few years ago, the volume of check payments began to decline about 4 percent per year—while electronic payments volume started to increase at double-digit rates. This transition continues as debit cards become more popular and businesses convert more and more check payments to electronic entries at the point of sale. You may have seen some of those new types of electronic conversions on your own bank statement.Looking ahead, I believe there will always be a market for cash and checks. But today’s kids who are now growing up on video games no doubt will prefer the convenience and speed of electronic payments. As money changes hands in new and faster ways, we face an evolving risk of fraud and identity theft. So consumers must be vigilant in managing their accounts. And financial institutions must ensure that their payment systems operate on a solid foundation of trust, which is at the heart of a strong financial system.The challenge of competition in bankingTechnology has changed not only payment, but also the whole financial system and U.S. economy. Just think of the impact of the Internet and the advance of cellular and digital communications. This recent progress has helped businesses to work more efficiently and allowed emerging economies around the world to develop more quickly than we ever imagined. Globalization, by the way, has lessened the cost of many imported goods and boosted demand for U.S.-produced goods and services.Along with technology, banking also has been transformed by competition. When I joined the Fed in the 1960s, banks were subject to rigid controls imposed by the states and Congress during the Great Depression. The idea was to maintain financial stability by restricting competition—both geographically and along product lines.There were strict limits on the interest banks could pay on savings deposits, and banks could not pay interest on transaction accounts. These restrictions were thought to prevent ruinous interest rate competition. The task of managing a bank balance sheet was largely a matter of following supervisory guidelines—green eye shade kind of work.Most states limited banks’ ability to branch outside their home county. And in some places branching was entirely prohibited. With near monopoly power in their respective neighborhoods, banks had little incentive to grow or innovate. Hence, the cliché about bankers’ hours of 3-6-3—take in money from savings accounts at 3 percent, lend it out at 6 percent, and hit the golf course by 3 o’clock.In the 1980s, with high and rising inflation, the old regulatory framework began to unravel. Investment banks posed an early threat to the banking deposit franchise with the introduction of money market accounts, which some of you may remember.To compete, banks issued large denomination certificates of deposit, which were not subject to interest rate ceilings, thus significantly increasing their costs. As restrictions on interest payments were lifted, more and more banks and thrifts got into trouble. We all remember the crisis in the savings and loan industry, which resulted in a bailout that was estimated to cost $175 billion.The most difficult year in banking was 1988 when more than 200 banks failed. Earlier in that decade, I led our bank’s supervision function. I remember setting up what we called “the war room” at the Atlanta Fed. This was a place to deal with the complex closure of a family of banks in Tennessee. In the final days of that crisis, we worked around the clock to find a buyer for the largest of these banks—unsuccessfully, it turned out. We ended up just closing the bank and hoping this failure wouldn’t lead to an old-fashioned bank panic.The number of bank failures declined in the 1990s and has stayed low. Meanwhile, Congress continued to reform the regulatory framework. In turn, we saw the rise of well-capitalized megabanks leveraging technology to cut costs and offering diverse and sometimes complex new products in competition with investment banks and insurance companies. Now, it’s often hard to tell the difference between banks and nonbanks.This competitive fray directly benefits today’s consumers and businesses, who enjoy lower-cost financial services, more choices and better access to capital. The growth of mutual funds has led to the rise of a new class of investors. Computers unleashed powerful innovations in credit scoring, and, with those new systems, some borrowers can qualify for a loan in minutes, if not seconds. Innovations in credit analysis and market segmentation have helped millions of Americans become homeowners.If you want to buy a car, you can still get an old-fashioned two-year loan, but today you can also choose to make payments over eight or even 10 years. Along with traditional fixed-rate mortgages, we now have adjustable rate mortgages, interest-only mortgages, reverse amortization mortgages, and more. And in today’s financial supermarket, we also can find home equity loans, mutual funds, hedge funds and countless other ways to borrow or invest. With advances in information technology and mathematical modeling, today’s financial markets are better than ever at allocating risk to those with the greatest appetite for it.Is all of this competition a good thing? All in all, I’d say the answer is yes. However, sometimes I fret about some of the implications of our global connectedness and the sheer size of some financial institutions and their new products. And I worry that some homeowners don’t really understand their new and not-yet-fully-tested mortgages.Overall, however, I believe our economy is much stronger and more resilient today because of the creative adjustments our financial sector has made in response to the sometimes painful challenges of competition.The economy in transitionWhat are the lessons of technology, innovation and competition for our economy? During the mid-1960s, one-third of the jobs in the United States were in manufacturing, and during the decades after World War II, there was not much global competition. Now, only one in nine U.S. jobs is in manufacturing, and most of the new factory jobs require technical skills. The fastest growing fields—financial services included—depend on knowledge, not physical labor.We’ve all heard the sometimes bitter debate on outsourcing and immigration. However, our ports and logistics facilities overflow with low-cost goods from overseas. Imports and exports—added up—are now equivalent to about one-fourth of gross domestic product. That figure 40 years ago was about 10 percent. Today’s economy is truly global.We’re all aware of our current preoccupation with lost jobs to other parts of the world, both in manufacturing and the services sector. But looking at the data, you’ll see three important facts. First, the majority of jobs lost involve relatively low-skilled, low-productivity work in fields like apparel production and call centers. Second, with respect to manufacturing, while it’s true there are fewer factory jobs as a proportion of total U.S. employment, the U.S. share of the value of world manufacturing output has remained stable, reflecting increases in worker productivity. Third, while it’s true that certain service-oriented jobs have moved to other countries, we still export more services to the rest of the world than we import from others.What’s the bottom line of these changes in our economy? The march of globalization is relentless, and businesses will have to keep spending more on technology to improve productivity. Technology allows consumers and businesses to compare prices from vendors around the world and find new and less expensive sources. And innovations in supply-chain management reduce the inventory swings that used to be commonplace in our economy, helping to dampen the contribution of inventory adjustments to economic cycles.Painful lessons in monetary policyGood economic outcomes depend on good monetary policy, where I’ve spent the past 10 years of my career. Recent experience in this area offers several other lessons.In the 1960s, economic growth was strong in part because of the fiscal stimulus of tax cuts and increased military and social spending. The Fed’s policy of leaning against inflationary pressures attracted little attention. But in the 1970s, policymakers tried to insulate the economy from relative price movements in one important commodity—oil. The big mistake in this policy was the failure to recognize that controlling inflation was a necessary first requirement for sustaining long-term growth.After the 1970s oil price shocks, it became fashionable to embrace the false notion that one could improve economic outcomes by trading a bit of inflation for growth. As we should now know, a bit of inflation can get out of hand quickly, especially when consumers and businesses expect more price increases, waste time and effort trying to beat inflation, and then rush to spend more money in a vicious inflationary cycle. The consequences of high inflation were and remain economically poisonous: increased uncertainty and risk, the added incentive to consume instead of invest, cost of living adjustments, and other marketplace distortions.During the early 1980s, Fed Chairman Paul Volcker and his Fed colleagues broke the back of high inflation by raising interest rates well into double digits. The costs were huge—both in economic and human terms. The U.S. economy endured two painful recessions. And along with the run-up in bank failures that I just mentioned, entire industries such as homebuilding collapsed. Because of our tough policy, the Fed was suddenly thrust into the public limelight.By 1996, when I became Atlanta Fed president and part of the Fed policymaking group, inflation expectations were, once again, under control. About that time, the federal budget deficits were reined in. With the fortuitous convergence of low inflation and rapid growth, we enjoyed the longest economic expansion in U.S. history. In hindsight, I may have been naïve, but I thought that Americans had truly learned the value of responsible fiscal and monetary policy working in tandem to foster economic growth for the long-term.The last decade, under the leadership of former Fed Chairman Alan Greenspan, also brought about major changes in how the Federal Reserve communicates our monetary policy actions and thinking. This transparency was and still is consistent with greater public scrutiny of the Fed and parallels the increase of financial information in the private sector that is central to today’s market-based approach to regulation.As amazing as it may sound today, until 1994, there was no announcement about the direction of monetary policy—not even after Federal Open Market Committee meetings. Market participants had to divine whether or not rates had changed by looking at conditions in money markets. This “quiet” (or silent) approach to communications gave rise to a cottage industry of “Fed watchers” who were devoted to interpreting our policy actions and likely policy direction.Now, after each FOMC meeting, we not only announce our action but also provide brief comments on the economy and potential risks to the outlook. For the last three years, we have even tried to signal the likely path of policy—in my view, an approach that’s worked well during this particular period.Our new Fed Chairman, Ben Bernanke, has talked about the need to make our policy goals even clearer. Minutes of our recent FOMC meetings indicate that the Fed is studying and debating the limits to what we should say about the outlook and possible future policy actions. My Fed colleagues and I have found that market reactions to our Fed comments can be surprising. And, in an environment of seemingly endless data reports, it’s sometimes hard in the short run to distinguish meaningful economic signals from noise.This thinking about transparency will evolve. And I expect the Fed will keep trying new and different ways to communicate important views and actions, including perhaps establishing targets for acceptable levels of inflation. Clearly, more central bank communications are helpful, but there is ample room to debate how to reflect the range of views and uncertainties that are inherent in the policymaking process.An interconnected worldWhile I’ve tried to make the case that our financial system and economy have gone through revolutionary changes in the past 40 years, I want to leave you with the notion that things will keep getting more complex and more interesting.From a payments perspective, our vision of an efficient, predominately electronic system is in sight. There will be fewer and bigger banks, and competition will keep altering our financial marketplace. We will all face more potential risks and rewards as the selection of financial products continues to multiply.Our financial system and our economy will continue to become more interconnected. Every moment of every day, vast sums of money zip around the world. Nine years ago a financial panic in Asia quickly led to financial market repercussions around the world. And with the emergence of China and India and increasing U.S. indebtedness, the global flow of funds will continue to grow, and our economy will depend more and more on events and decisions that occur outside our national borders.Monetary policymakers must continue to account for all of these changes and others we can’t envision as technology advances and shocks occur. We’ve been reminded over and over how adaptable and resilient our U.S. financial system and economy are, and no doubt we’ll be tested again. I’m leaving the FOMC confident in the Fed’s commitment to keep inflation at bay. I’m sure future policymakers will remember the lessons we learned in the past 40 years about what happens when you start down the slippery slope of trading inflation for growth.I wish my college buddies who gave me the green eye shade were here with us today. Contrary to what they might have expected, my experience as a central banker has been fascinating and, at times, downright exciting.For a long time, I’ve enjoyed an up close and personal view on banking and the economy, and pretty soon I’ll be watching from the bleachers. Looking ahead to the next four decades, I think we all have good reason to expect our financial system and our economy will remain strong and continue to be the envy of the rest of the world.
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동계올릭픽 메달 원가 따져보니
[서울=뉴스핌] 장환수 스포츠전문기자= 금·은값이 하늘 끝까지 치솟은 2026년 밀라노·코르티나담페초 동계올림픽 메달은 명예에 더해 현금 가치로도 역대급을 기록하게 됐다. 이번 동계올림픽에 걸릴 메달은 금·은·동 245개씩 모두 735개다. 동계올림픽에 이어 열리는 패럴림픽에선 모두 411개의 메달(금·은·동 각 137개)이 새 주인을 기다리고 있다.
이탈리아국립조폐국은 '두 도시가 만나 하나가 된다'는 콘셉트로 메달을 제작했다. 밀라노와 코르티나담페초, 두 개최 도시를 상징하는 반쪽이 맞물려 하나의 원을 이루는 디자인이다. 겉으로 보기엔 하나지만, 실제로는 서로 다른 두 조각이 만나 완성되는 구조라 공동 개최의 메시지를 시각적으로 풀어냈다. 한쪽 면엔 올림픽 오륜기가, 반대편에는 종목명과 이번 대회의 엠블럼이 새겨진다.
2026 밀라노·코르티나담페초 동계올림픽 금메달. [사진=IOC]
2026 밀라노·코르티나담페초 동계올림픽 금메달. [사진=IOC]
환경·지속가능성도 이번 메달의 키워드다. 올림픽 역사상 처음으로 금속 폐기물에서 회수한 재활용 금속을 써서 메달을 제작했고, 주조 과정 역시 100% 재생에너지로 작동하는 유도 가열로에서 이뤄졌다. 환경 비용을 줄이려는 올림픽의 방향이 담겨 있다.
금메달은 500g짜리 순은에 6g의 순금을 도금해 총 506g, 은메달은 순은 500g, 동메달은 구리 420g이다. 규정상 금메달은 최소 92.5% 이상 은으로 만들어야 하고, 여기에 6g의 금으로 도금을 해야 한다. 메달 지름은 80㎜, 두께는 10㎜로 손에 쥐면 묵직함이 전해진다.
문제는 최근 몇 년 사이 치솟은 금과 은의 시세다. 2024 파리 올림픽 이후 금 현물 가격은 약 107%, 은은 약 200% 급등했다. 시세를 적용하면 이번 동계올림픽 금메달 1개의 재료비는 2300달러(약 337만 원)에 이른다. 파리 올림픽 때보다 두 배 이상 비싸진 셈이다. 은메달은 1400달러(약 205만 원)로 파리 때의 세 배를 넘었다. 상대적으로 재료값이 저렴한 동메달은 5.6달러(약 8350원) 수준이다. 메달의 진짜 가치는 선수의 땀과 눈물에 있지만, 숫자로만 따져도 역대급이라는 표현이 과장이 아니다.
올림픽 메달은 초창기엔 지금과 같은 모양도, 지금 같은 가치도 아니었다. 1회 근대올림픽인 1896 아테네 대회에서 1위에게 주어진 건 금이 아니라 은메달이었다. 2위는 동메달, 3위는 아예 메달이 없었다. 당시 은메달은 지름 48㎜, 두께 3.8㎜로 지금보다 훨씬 작고 얇았다. 1900 파리 올림픽에선 금·은·동메달 시상 체계가 도입됐지만, 모양은 지금과 다른 사각형(가로 42㎜, 세로 60㎜)이었다.
우리가 익숙한 둥근 모양의 메달과 순금 금메달은 1904 세인트루이스 올림픽에서 처음 등장했다. 하지만 순금 메달의 시대는 길지 않았다. 1912 스톡홀름 올림픽을 마지막으로, 금메달은 순금이 아닌 은 위에 금을 도금하는 방식으로 바뀌었다. 금값이 치솟을 때마다 순금 메달의 귀환을 기대하는 목소리가 나오지만, 지금처럼 금과 은 가격이 폭등한 시대에는 현실적으로 불가능에 가까운 얘기다.
2022 베이징 동계올림픽 스노보드 여자 하프파이프에서 금메달을 딴 클로이 김. [사진=로이터 뉴스핌]
2022 베이징 동계올림픽 쇼트트랙 여자 1500m에서 올림픽 2연패를 이룬 최민정. [사진=로이터 뉴스핌]
역대 올림픽 최다 메달리스트는 '수영 황제' 마이클 펠프스(미국)다. 그는 올림픽에서만 금 23개, 은 3개, 동 2개로 28개의 메달을 목에 걸었다. 동계올림픽 무대에서는 노르웨이가 메달 역사를 이끌어왔다. 동계 최다 메달리스트는 여자 크로스컨트리 스키의 전설 마리트 비에르겐으로 금 8개, 은 4개, 동 3개로 15개의 메달을 수확했다. 최다 금메달 기록도 비에르겐이 올레 에이나르 비에른달렌(남자 바이애슬론·금 8·은 4·동 1), 비에른 댈리(남자 크로스컨트리 스키·금 6·은 4)와 나란히 8개를 보유 중이다. 동계올림픽에서 메달을 10개 이상 따낸 선수는 지금까지 7명뿐이다.
한국은 남자 스피드스케이팅의 이승훈이 금 2개, 은 3개, 동 1개로 6개의 메달을 따내 동계 최다 메달리스트로 자리 잡았다. 최다 금메달은 여자 쇼트트랙 레전드 전이경이 보유한 4개다.
이제 시선은 7일(한국시간) 새벽 개회식이 열리는 밀라노·코르티나의 빙판과 설원으로 향한다. 쇼트트랙 여자대표팀 에이스 최민정(성남시청)은 이미 금 3개, 은 2개를 목에 건 상태다. 이번 대회에서 메달을 보태면 최다 메달과 금메달 기록을 동시에 갈아치울 수 있다.
zangpabo@newspim.com
2026-02-06 10:09
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경찰, '1억 의혹' 강선우·김경 영장 신청
[서울=뉴스핌] 고다연 기자 = 공천헌금 1억원 의혹을 수사하는 경찰이 강선우 무소속 국회의원과 김경 전 서울시의원에 대한 구속영장을 신청했다.
5일 경찰에 따르면 서울경찰청 공공범죄수사대는 이날 오전 9시 정치자금법 위반, 배임수재, 청탁금지법 위반 혐의로 강 의원에 대해 구속영장을 서울중앙지검에 신청했다. 김 전 시의원에 대해서는 정치자금법 위반, 배임증재, 청탁금지법 위반 혐의를 적용했다.
강선우 무소속 국회의원, 김경 전 서울시의원 [사진=뉴스핌 DB]
경찰은 구속영장에 뇌물죄 혐의는 적용하지 않았다. 판례를 검토한 결과 정당 공천은 자발적 조직 내부 의사결정으로 이번 의혹은 뇌물죄 구성 요건인 공무가 아닌 당무에 해당한다고 봤다. 다만 경찰은 추가 조사 등을 통해 두 사람을 검찰에 최종 송치할 때는 뇌물죄를 적용할 수 있는지 검토할 예정이다.
강 의원은 2022년 지방선거를 앞두고 김 전 시의원으로부터 공천 대가로 1억원을 받았다가 돌려준 혐의 등을 받고 있다. 강 의원은 두 차례 경찰에 출석해 조사를 받았다. 김 전 시의원은 네 차례 소환조사를 받았다. 현재 공천헌금 수수 당시 상황 등에 대한 두 사람의 진술은 엇갈리고 있다.
구속영장이 신청됐지만 강 의원이 현역 의원이라는 점이 중요 변수로 꼽힌다. 헌법 제44조에 따라 경찰은 현역 의원을 회기 중에 국회 동의 없이 체포·구금할 수 없다.
검찰이 강 의원에 대한 구속영장을 청구하면 체포동의안은 국회에 제출된 뒤 처음 열리는 본회의에 자동 보고된다. 이후 24시간이 지난 시점부터 72시간 이내 본회의를 열어 표결해야 한다. 의원 체포동의안은 재적의원 과반 출석에 출석의원 과반 찬성으로 의결된다.
한편 강 의원은 지난 3일 경찰 조사를 마치고 나오면서 '불체포특권을 유지할 것이냐'는 취재진 질문에 답하지 않았다.
gdy10@newspim.com
2026-02-05 10:12












